By Emily Guan
Summary
Political intervention does not help: it is a debt; it is repression. The international community should find the right Haitians and support them without asking for anything in return.
Seas, mountains, and nationalism don’t always pull human beings away from each other. Despite our differences, we still feel compassion and empathy for others. On an international level, this translates into the responsibility for the well-being of all. And when Haiti, the poorest country in the western hemisphere, is suffering from past racist policies, natural disasters, as well as social-political instability, humanitarian actors have the responsibility of (1) providing humanitarian aid; and (2) protecting a sense of security in response to their crisis.
On an international level, this translates into the responsibility for the well-being of all.
Firstly, whether it is a nation-state, an intergovernmental organization, or a non-governmental organization, it is responsible for providing humanitarian aid to help with the crisis in Haiti. Resources, whether after Hurricane Matthew or the 2010 earthquake, are all extremely rare and necessary. The Haitian government has no legitimate structure; gangsters and kidnapping are prevalent in the country — and again, resources are needed to address these issues. As stated in the UN (which is an intergovernmental organization that is strongly affected by liberal ideals) in the explanation for the responsibility to protect, “states [have] responsibilities for their population’s welfare, and [their assistance of] each other.” Humanitarian aid, including aid for shelter, water, food, education, medical care, and the military (to be used against mafias), is ultimately for people's welfare. Humanitarian actors should provide aid for Haiti, as it is a core method for assisting another nation-state when they cannot fulfill the task of providing welfare for their people.
“States [have] responsibilities for their population’s welfare, and [their assistance of] each other.”
Secondly, nation-states and intergovernmental organizations are also responsible for protecting the sense of security and the independence of Haitians; they could do so with the help of the UN and non-governmental organizations. Unilateral funding between countries is the uneven dynamic consisting of a stronger state and a weaker state, say, between states A and B, respectively. Unlike the equivalent trade of natural resources for money to sustain the war between Russia and China — which often leads to a situation where the weaker state has no initiative, if state A does something beneficial, state B would owe its prosperity to the stronger state and often become a “puppet regime” of it. If state A does something harmful, on the contrary, there would be nothing state B could do. Haiti would be passive and thus insecure when it comes to intervention.
If state A does something beneficial, state B would owe its prosperity to the stronger state and often become a “puppet regime” of it. If state A does something harmful, on the contrary, there would be nothing state B could do.
However, some might question this statement due to the possibility of integration. So why, some might ask, would EU countries be secure enough even to shed autonomy, ease borders, and give up currency among themselves, while Haiti has to remain skeptical of simply accepting the help of other states? The insecurity of Haiti does not only come from the current situation; to a large extent; its source also lies in history. Put yourself in the shoes of a Haitian. Your country was formerly a French colony subject to racial exploitation; the French extorted a 20 billion dollar independence debt from your country, which killed the Haitian economy at its birth. Racist embargoes from all over the globe only made it worse. The Dominican Republic, a neighboring country that shares the same island as Haiti, has recently established the “regulation program,” specifically used for locating Haitians and deporting them from the country. Most recent presidents of your county: Joveral Moïse, François Duvalier, and the current prime minister Ariel Henry are people you do not support, but they still became leaders of the country because they were selected by American, French, and Canadian ambassadors.
Your country was formerly a French colony subject to racial exploitation; the French extorted a 20 billion dollar independence debt from your country, which killed the Haitian economy at its birth. Racist embargoes from all over the globe only made it worse.
Liberalism states that intervention and integration are both possible, but ultimately, it depends on whether there are opportunities. Given the historical background of being subject to some of the most predatory and racist policies from external forces, would Haitians be willing to accept more foreigners interfering with their country’s domestic affairs? However, this is not an issue about liberalism but the intervention method. Weaker states might not feel secure enough to accept help directly from another nation-state for fear that the powerful might be doing it for the sake of regime change. All the stronger state has to do, is to make the weaker state believe that they do not hold malign intentions and will not ask for anything in return for the funding.
This is not an issue about liberalism but the intervention method.
Protecting the sense of security and independence of Haitians thus becomes a responsibility. But how would states act upon the responsibility? This is when the UN and non-governmental organizations come into place. Unlike help provided by a nation-state, support from non-state organizations is usually more pure and straightforward since their funds are drawn from a large pool of money from various countries and people. When donations come from a third-party organization and are composed of money from a plethora of forces, it greatly diminishes the ability of a strong state to morally kidnap the weaker state with the donation. Nation-states, to help Haiti, should donate to intergovernmental or non-governmental organizations devoted to solving issues surrounding the Haitian crisis.
When donations come from a third-party organization and are composed of money from a plethora of forces, it greatly diminishes the ability of a strong state to morally kidnap the weaker state with the donation.
Political intervention does not help: it is a debt; it is repression. The international community should find the right Haitians and support them without asking for anything in return. “That month, groups representing unions, professional associations, farmers’ alliances, human rights and diaspora organizations, Voodoo groups, and churches formed the Commission to Search for a Haitian Solution to the Crisis. I am one of 13 commissioners,” says Monique Clesca in her essay “My Group Can Save Haiti. Biden Is Standing in Our Way.” After all, the legitimacy of a government comes from the country’s people; and who could care more about Haiti than Haitians?
Works Cited
Clesca, Monique. "My Group Can Save Haiti. Biden Is Standing in Our Way." The New York Times, 1 Dec. 2021, www.nytimes.com/2021/12/01/opinion/haiti-commission-government.html. Accessed 10 July 2022.
"Divided Island: How Haiti and the DR Became Two Worlds." YouTube, 17 Oct. 2017, www.youtube.com/watch?v=4WvKeYuwifc. Accessed 10 July 2022.
Foley, James B. "A Stark Choice for America." The Atlantic, 20 July 2021,
www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/07/america-haiti-limited-options/619481/. Accessed 10 July 2022.
"Haiti Unrest: Demands for Return of Former President Aristide." YouTube, 28 June 2022, www.youtube.com/watch?v=yJ4C0ci7JHc. Accessed 10 July 2022.
"Publications and Resources: About." United Nations, www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/about-responsibility-to-protect.shtml. Accessed 9 July 2022.
"What Forces Will Determine What Happens in Haiti?" The Dialogue, 18 Feb. 2022, www.thedialogue.org/analysis/what-forces-will-determine-what-happens-in-haiti/. Accessed 8 July 2022.
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